Left Wing Extremism UPSC (For UPSC & UPPCS Exam)

Pallavi Maurya (Editor Self Study Wala, Internal Security Faculty UPSC)

Left Wing Extremism UPSC. Naxalism UPSC. Internal Security UPSC. Internal Security UPPCS.

Left Wing Extremism UPSC

left-wing extremism (LWE), is a general designation given to the several Maoist-oriented and militant insurgent and separatist groups that have operated in India since the mid-1960s.

LWE organizations are the groups that try to bring change through violent revolution. They are against democratic institutions and use violence to subvert the democratic processes at ground level.

The movement has spread across the Eastern India in less developed areas of states such as Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Andhra Pradesh.

The left-wing extremism (LWE) or Naxal insurgency in India originated in a 1967 uprising in Naxalbari, West Bengal by the Communist Party of India (Marxist). (Hence called Naxalism)

They are the group of people who believe in the political theory derived from the teachings of the Chinese political leader Mao Tse Tung. (Hence called Maoism)

The Naxals strongly believe that the solution to social and economic discrimination is to overthrow the existing political system.

The Genesis of Naxalism

Communist Party of India (CPI)

In 1924, the communist party of India (CPI) was formed by the group of young patriots drawing their inspiration from the Great October Revolution with an aim to liberate India from the Capitalist and the Colonial Oppression.

Telangana Struggle

The biggest fillip to the communist movements was the Telangana Struggle. It marked a paradigm shift in the evolution of the Communist Movement.

In 1928, the Andhra Maha Sabha was formed to bring about reforms in administration, demands for more schools, concessions for the landed and civil liberties.

The Second World War resulted in the spreading of communist ideology to Andhra Maha Sabha. In 1942, with the lifting of the ban on the Communist Party of India (CPI), the communists began to grow in Hyderabad. The Communist Party of India became very strong by 1943 and it had established a stronghold over Telangana, which led to the evolution of the Andhra Maha Sabha as a radical communist organisation.

These ideologies having spread across various districts amongst the peasants and small landholders conducted several struggles against their rich landlords opposing various actions like illegal taxations and forced eviction.

The Telangana revolt started in 1946 in the Nalgonda district in Andhra Pradesh, which was then part of the princely state of Hyderabad, against the oppressive feudal lords and quickly spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts in around 4,000 villages. The revolt was also taken up by the local armed peasants and armed labourers against their landlords in their respective villages.

Visnuru Ramachandra Reddy, a landlord of Jangaon Taluk, Nalgonda, tried to forcibly seize the land of a lowly washerwoman, Ilamma, by sending goons. In July 1946, Doddi Komarayya led a march towards the landlord’s house. The goons of the landlord fired shots and killed Doddi Komarayya on the spot and injured his elder brother Doddi Malaya and two others. The angry peasants charged towards the mansion of the landlord armed with hay to burn down the mansion. It was however thwarted by the intervention of Nizam’s police. Thus, the Telangana Movement came into being as one of the largest armed peasant uprisings.

By the beginning of August 1947, the Movement spread to hundreds of villages spread across three districts. By the end of 1947, the communists organised village republics called gram rajyams with parallel administration across around 4,000 villages. A group of volunteers called dalam were organised and armed to fight against the Razakars (army of Nizam) and the police.

The entry of the Indian Army into the state of Hyderabad on 13^th September 1948 under “police action” changed the course of the Telangana Movement.

The untrained, unsophisticated and unorganised peasant army, dalams, were no match for the fifty thousand well-trained troops of the Indian Army. The dalams were decimated and were forced to retreat into the forests.

By the end of 1950, only isolated guerilla war groups existed. There was little coordination among gram rajyams, and the Movement weakened.

By early 1951, the Nehru government made several conciliatory gestures towards the CPI, and after several rounds of negotiations, the CPI formally declared the struggle withdrawn on 21st October 1951.

Post-Telangana Struggle and formation of CPI (M),1964

The Indo-China War of 1962 created the flashpoint for the split. During the war a section of the CPI supported the Nehru Government against the Chinese aggression. The more radical wing of the CPI though opposed the Chinese aggression also opposed the CPI’s support to the Nehru Government. They accused the supporters of Nehru Government as not being leftist and called themselves conservatives or revisionists.

The experience of the Telangana Movement and Indo-China War gave birth to three factions within the Indian Communist Movement.

• The first faction led by Bhalchandra Trimbak Ranadive rejected the path of the Chinese Revolution, and advocated the path of democratic and the socialist revolutions based on urban working-class mobilisation. They were inspired by Joseph Stalin and viciously criticised Mao Tse Tung. At that time USSR/Stalin advocate for democratic method and diplomatic relations to spread communalism. 
• The second faction was led by Basava Punniah and P. Sundarayya of the Andhra Secretariat and leaned towards Mao Tse Tung’s ideology and methodology. They were instrumental in taking forward the Telangana Struggle. In 1964, they formed the leftist faction and split from CPI and formed the Communist Party of India (Marxist) {CPI (M)} led by P. Sundarayya, Jyoti Basu, M.S. Namboodiripad and Harkishan Singh Surjeet. The split was more a rightist vs leftist split.
• A third faction led by Ajoy Ghosh and Shripad Amrit Dange and S.V. Ghate formed the centrist faction of the communists. They supported India during the Indo-China War of 1962. They differentiated between the Chinese and Indian conditions and followed the path of parliamentary democracy.

Phase of Emergence of Naxalism (1967-1975)

Some of the radical factions who had split from the CPI in 1964, the CPI (M) was not leftist enough. The CPI (M) formed the United Front Government in West Bengal as part of the United Front in 1967 and this was accused by the radical wing as betraying the communist cause and deviating from the stated objective of communism of an armed revolution.

Charu Majumdar headed this radical faction that led to the Naxalbari Uprising in 1967 hoping to replicate the Communist Revolution in China.

It all started on 3rd March 1967 at a place called Naxalbari, in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal, which is 6 km from Nepal and 22 km from Bangladesh, covered with thick forests and having a tribal population of around 1,26,000.

On 2nd March 1967, a tribal youth named Bimal Kesan went to plough his land after obtaining a court order in his favour against the landlord, Iswar Tirkey, a member of Bangla Congress. The goons of Iswar Tirkey attacked him and prevented him from entering the land. Bimal Kesan approached Krishak Sabha, whose leader was Khanu Sanyal, who offered to help him get his land. The peasants occupied Iswar Tirkey’s land, and he try to seek police action against them. Clashes followed between the police and the peasants, led by Charu Majumdar and Khanu Sanyal; the tribals and peasants started to forcefully recapture their lands.

Within two months, this Movement spread to West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir. Thus, this extremist movement came to be called “Naxalism” and the perpetrators called Naxalites. The Naxalites claim to follow Mao Tse Tung’s ideology and call themselves Communist Revolutionaries. They are also called “Red Terrorists” or “Left Wing Extremists”.

In 1967 the All-India Coordination Committee of Revolutionaries was started within the CPI (M) by the revolutionaries from many states to bring together all the revolutionaries under one umbrella. This committee called on the revolutionaries to start a Naxalbari type of struggle by propagating the Marxism–Leninism–Maoism line of thought.

Later the All-India Coordination Committee of Revolutionaries was referred to as the All-India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR). They adopted two doctrines, namely,

1. Allegiance to militant struggle

2. Non-participation in elections

In May 1969 the AICCCR formed a new party, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). They elected Charu Majumdar as its general secretary. They indulged in armed violence in West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Bihar, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh with an agenda to annihilate class enemies.

Operation Steeplechase (1971-72)

Operation Steeplechase was a large-scale anti-insurgency operation launched by the Indian government in 1971 to counter the Naxalite movement in West Bengal. In the wake of emergency and 1971 war, Indira Gandhi mobilized the Indian Army against the Naxalites in West Bengal.

It was a joint Army-CRPF-Police operation. In this operation, the strategy was to surround Naxal stronghold with an outer cordon of the Army, an inner cordon of the CRPF, and local police operating inside.

The operation ended up with death of hundreds of Naxalites and imprisonment of thousands of them. It disrupted the network of the naxalite cadres and stalled the movement.

Charu Mazumdar was imprisoned and soon he died in custody.

The operation steeplechase marked the end of Naxalite movement, but only that particular phase and ultimately proved to be a cosmetic surgery only.

The movement did not end and resurfaced because government had not removed the root causes of the insurgency.

Initially, the Indian government looked at it as a Law-and-Order problem. It did not analyse the root cause of the movement and the extent of mobilization of people.

Period of lull (1975-2004)

A period of lull was experienced in Naxalite activities in the 1980s and 1990s largely due to strong police action.

The arrest of Charu Majumdar in July 1972 led to the disintegration of the CPI (ML).

In the early 1980s, several Naxalite groups emerged in various regions. The Naxalites in Andhra Pradesh emerged as the CPI-ML (Peoples’ War Group/PWG), and the Naxalites in Bihar called themselves the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC).

The Peoples’ War Group emerged as the dominant group with its active presence not only in Andhra Pradesh but also in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra.

The two groups PWG and MCC carried on their activities individually with varying degrees of successes and failures.

Renewed Phase of Naxalism (2004-2010)

However, in September 2004 PWG and MCC came together and formed the Communist Party of India (Maoist). This has brought about a renewed spurt of violence that goes on to this day.

Ex-Prime Minister Mr. Manmohan Singh has declared the Naxalites as a serious threat to India’s security as their number in 2006 grew to over 70,000 armed cadres.

CPI-Maoists, was declared a terrorist organisation under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act in 2009. 

Recent trend/trend of decline (2010-2024)

Bell curve of insurgency: The theory suggest that in most of the case the graph of violence is Bell curve.

According to data provided by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), there has been a steady decline in Left Wing Extremism (LWE) related violence and geographical spread of LWE influence in the country.

Number of LWE affected district reduced from 96 to 25 from 2010 to 2021.

incidents of LWE violence have reduced by 76% from 2010 to 2021. (From 2,258 in 2009 to 349 incidents till August 2021.)

Left Wing Extremism and Development Link

The Red Corridor is the region in the central, eastern and southern parts of India that experience severe Naxalite–Maoist insurgency. Roughly, the Corridor stretches from the Indian border with Nepal and extends to the northern fringes of Tamil Nadu.

The districts affected by this and part of the Corridor are among the poorest in India.

Most of the region has a high tribal population.

The region is also marked by severe caste and economic disparities.

The region also has a significantly lower literacy rate compared to the national average.

The Naxal activities have a huge economic impact on the regions they are prominent in.

A recent report of MoHA classifies the red corridor region with respect to the severity of the Naxal influence. The three main categories are –

Severely affected – Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha and Bihar

Partially affected – West Bengal, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh

Slightly affected – Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh

The number of Left-wing extremism (LWE)-hit districts in the country covered under the special Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme has come down to 58 from 72 following a “comprehensive” review by the Union home ministry and the 10 affected states, official sources and records state.

Objective of Maoism or Naxalism

The primary objectives of Naxalism include:

Overthrow of the Government: The Naxals aim to overthrow the Indian government, which they perceive as a bourgeois entity that perpetuates socio-economic inequality. They intend to replace it with a “people’s government” that serves the interests of the poor and marginalized communities, especially rural and tribal populations.

Land and Wealth Redistribution: A significant objective of the Naxals is to redistribute land and wealth from the rich and the elites to the poor. This stems from a desire to address the socio-economic disparities that are often pronounced in rural parts of India.

Elimination of Socio-economic Oppression: Naxalites strive to end socio-economic oppression in its various forms, such as the caste system and gender discrimination. They aim to establish a society where these hierarchies are dismantled, and rights are equal for all individuals.

Revolution through Armed Rebellion: Inspired by Mao Zedong’s doctrine of a “people’s war,” the Naxalites believe in the use of guerrilla warfare tactics in their struggle. They advocate for an armed rebellion as a means to achieve their objectives.

These goals, while framed in the rhetoric of equality and social justice, have been pursued through violent means that have led to significant bloodshed and instability, particularly in rural and tribal areas of India. The Indian government classifies the Naxalites as a terrorist organization and has been engaged in efforts to combat the movement and address the underlying socio-economic issues that often give rise to support for it.

Strategy of Maoists

The strategy of the Naxalite movement in India is largely inspired by Mao Zedong’s theory of “protracted people’s war.” Here are some of the main strategies employed by the Naxalites:

Guerrilla Warfare: As with many insurgent movements, the Naxalites primarily use guerrilla warfare tactics. This approach involves small-scale, irregular attacks intended to wear down their opponents over time. These can include ambushes, sabotage, raids, and other forms of asymmetric warfare. Their strategy involves mobilizing the rural population, where state presence is often weak, to carry out these attacks.

Establishing ‘Red Corridors’: One strategic objective of the Naxalites has been to establish a contiguous region of influence running from the northern to the southern parts of India, often referred to as the ‘Red Corridor.’ This region contains many of the rural and tribal areas where the Naxalites have been most active.

Recruitment and Indoctrination: The Naxalites often target poor, rural, and marginalized communities for recruitment. They use political education and indoctrination to develop loyalty among their recruits. In some cases, they may use coercion or intimidation to gain support.

Parallel Governance: In areas under their control, the Naxalites have sometimes attempted to establish parallel systems of governance. They provide services, administer justice, and collect “taxes,” thereby filling the vacuum left by the absence of the state.

Social Issues Mobilization: The Naxalites frequently take up social issues and causes such as land rights, caste discrimination, and economic inequality to mobilize support among marginalized communities. They portray themselves as fighting against oppression and exploitation, which can make their message appealing to those who feel disenfranchised by the mainstream system.

Attacks on Security Forces and Infrastructure: The Naxalites often target police and paramilitary forces, as well as infrastructure such as roads, railways, and communication systems. The aim is to destabilize the region, deter investment and development, and make governance more difficult for the state.

These strategies have allowed the Naxalite movement to survive and sometimes flourish despite the considerable efforts by the Indian government to suppress it. However, they’ve also resulted in widespread violence and instability in affected regions, and the methods used by the Naxalites have been widely criticized for their impact on civilian populations.

Causes for the Rise of Naxalism

The rise of Naxalism in India can be attributed to a combination of socio-economic, political, and cultural factors. Here are some key reasons:

Government Deficit

• Poor implementation of Land Reform. According to 1971 census, nearly 60% of the population was landless.
• Weak justice delivery system- inaccessible, unaffordable and delayed. In contrast to this, the Naxals have been delivering justice quickly and cheaply to the poor through their Sangams and Jan Adalats (People’s Court). This has created a situation where the people are looking forward to the Naxals for justice instead of the State. A sense of legitimacy has been granted to the Sangams and Jan Adalats by the people’s participation which helped in the consolidation of power of the Naxals.
• Inappropriate Rehabilitation and compensation mechanism
• Ineffective delivery of essential services and rights. Governance has remained inconsistent in most of the regions as popular schemes have taken a longer time to formulate and a much longer time to be implemented.
• Absence of community participation in decision making
• Non-sensitive Administration
• Corruption and lack of transparency in governance have also fueled resentment and support for the Naxalites.
• There have been numerous reports of police brutality and state repression in areas affected by Naxalism. These incidents often serve to alienate the local population and drive them toward the Naxalites.
• The inefficient implementation of welfare policies and corruption has led to further impoverishment of the already poorest sections.
• Lack of co-ordination between the Union and the States in their efforts of tackling Naxal violence. Law and order being a State subject and the Union’s role limited to aiding the civil power of the State, there exists a conflict as to who is more powerful. This certainly adversely affects the anti- Naxal operations in almost all states.
• Excessive use of Force
• Land disputes have played a significant role in the rise of Naxalism. Many disputes arise over issues like land ownership, land-use rights, forced displacement, and inadequate compensation for land taken for development or industrial projects. The Naxalites have often championed the cause of the landless and displaced, which has helped them gain support.

Infrastructure Deficit

• Inadequate Social Infrastructure like, Health, Education, Sanitation, Fresh Water etc.
• Inefficient Productive Infrastructure like, Road, Electricity, Housing, Irrigation etc.
• Lack of infrastructure in tribal and rural areas has left the people with under-development. Rural development became a priority for the government only in the initial years of 1970s.
• The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006 recognizes the rights of the forest dwelling tribal communities and other traditional forest dwellers to forest resources, on which these communities were dependent for a variety of needs, including livelihood, habitation and other socio-cultural needs.
• Failure of trickle-down-theory, which leads to create Socio-Economic Disparities.
• Inability of the state to bring about the upliftment of the deprived sections of society in the affected areas

Exploitative Development

• Development Induced Displacement, mainly in tribal areas. The Narmada Valley Development Project affected as many as 25 million people, majority of which were Tribals.
• Mismanagement of forests by the government since the British era make the tribal population helpless. It disrupts the tribal-forest relationship. 
• Unsustainable development
• Lack of employment opportunities because of improper industrialisation has made people highly vulnerable to join the Naxals.

Social Structure of Society

• One of the main causes for the rise of Naxalism is the severe socio-economic inequality in India, especially in rural areas. Widespread poverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment have left many people feeling marginalized and ignored by the mainstream political and economic systems.
• Poverty and unemployment.
• Social structure of the society is very poor as the people have no resources to meet their requirements, which is a cause for concern. People are socially excluded as the fruits of development do not reach them.
• High illiteracy, Lack of Proper education is a problem as it has not provided the ability for the people to improve. Literacy rate in India during 1961 and 1971 were about 28% and 34% respectively.
• Alienation and Oppression of Dalits and tribal people by Upper Caste and outsider respectively.
• Food insecurity is also a cause as the tribes starve to death in most of the regions, and they borrow money from lenders for more interest.
• India’s caste system and discrimination against tribal communities have also contributed to the rise of Naxalism. Many lower-caste and tribal people face social exclusion, economic deprivation, and lack of access to resources, which the Naxalites exploit to gain support.

Jal-Jangal-Jameen

• Evasion in ceiling laws
• Encroachment and occupation of govt and community lands
• Non-regularisation of traditional land rights
• Land acquisition without appropriate compensation and rehabilitation
• Disruption of the age old tribal-forest relationship.

It’s important to note that while these factors have contributed to the rise of Naxalism, the movement’s violent methods and its impact on the development and security of the affected regions have been subjects of major concern and criticism. The Indian government has been using a combination of security measures and development initiatives to counter the Naxalite movement and address the underlying causes of its support.

Source of Funding of Naxalism UPSC

The Naxalite movement in India, as with many insurgent movements, relies on a variety of sources to fund its activities. These sources often have a significant illegal component, given the nature of the movement and its status as a banned organization in India. Here are some of the main sources of funding for Naxalism:

Extortion and “Taxes”: One of the primary sources of funding for the Naxalites is the money extorted from local businesses, contractors, and individuals in the areas they control or influence. They often impose a so-called “revolutionary tax” on various economic activities, ranging from agriculture to mining to construction.

Illegal Mining and Logging: The Naxalites also derive income from illegal mining and logging operations, especially in the mineral-rich areas that they control. They either run these operations directly or extort money from others who do.

Kidnappings and Ransom: Kidnappings for ransom have been a source of income for the Naxalites. They have been known to kidnap government officials, security personnel, and sometimes civilians, demanding large ransoms for their release.

Donations and Support: Some funding also comes from donations from supporters who are ideologically aligned with the Naxalites. This can include both local supporters as well as sympathizers from other parts of India and even abroad.

Criminal Activities: Other criminal activities, including smuggling and illegal trade, also contribute to the funding of the Naxalite movement.

Loot of Arms and Ammunition: While not a direct source of funding, looting of arms and ammunition from security forces during attacks reduces the costs that the Naxalites would otherwise have to bear for their military activities.

The financial networks of the Naxalites are complex and often deeply intertwined with the local economy in the areas where they are active, which makes it challenging for the government to disrupt their funding without negatively affecting the local population. Efforts to counter the Naxalite movement therefore often involve both security measures and development initiatives aimed at improving the local economy and governance.

Link of Naxalism with Organised Crime UPSC

Organized crime refers to structured groups of people that are engaged in illegal activities for financial gain. The Naxalite movement in India, like other insurgent groups, has often been linked to organized crime as a means to fund its activities and exert control over the territories it influences. Here are some ways in which the Naxalites might be involved with organized crime:

Extortion: Extortion is a common tactic used by the Naxalites. They force local businesses, contractors, and individuals to pay so-called “revolutionary taxes” under threat of violence or disruption. This form of systemic extortion is essentially an organized criminal activity.

Illegal Mining and Logging: The Naxalites are known to engage in illegal mining and logging, especially in the resource-rich areas they control. They exploit the natural resources without proper authorization and sell these resources for profit, which constitutes organized crime.

Kidnapping and Ransom: Naxalites have been known to kidnap government officials, security personnel, and sometimes civilians and demand ransom for their release, which is another form of organized crime.

Arms Smuggling: To equip their fighters, Naxalites often resort to the illegal arms trade, which involves organized criminal networks.

Drug Trafficking: While there’s less reported evidence of involvement in drug trafficking compared to some other insurgent groups worldwide, it’s possible that Naxalites may engage in such activities as well, given the porous nature of certain borders and the high profitability of the drug trade. Maoists insurgency and the Maoists have been using opium cultivation as a source of revenue from 2007.

Human trafficking: There have been reports suggesting links between Naxalite groups and human trafficking, although the evidence and scope of such activity can be complex to determine due to the clandestine nature of both insurgency and human trafficking.

These activities help the Naxalites generate the resources necessary to maintain their operations, but they also contribute to instability, insecurity, and economic hardship in the regions where they are active. It’s worth noting that the Indian government is actively working to counter these criminal activities and cut off the sources of funding for the Naxalite movement.

Urban Naxalism UPSC

The concept of “Urban Naxalism” refers to the alleged support for Naxalite ideology and activity in urban settings.

Unlike the Naxalites who are active in rural and tribal regions, these supposed “Urban Naxalites” are thought to operate in cities, and to include intellectuals, academics, activists, and others who, while not directly involved in armed insurgency, are accused of having ideological alignment with the Naxalites and of working to spread their ideas and influence.

The concept of Urban Naxalism is based on the idea that such individuals or groups in urban areas provide intellectual and logistical support to the Naxalite movement. This might involve propaganda activities, recruitment, fundraising, legal aid, or other forms of support.

However, the term “Urban Naxal” is controversial. Critics argue that it has been used to discredit and stifle dissent, and that it blurs the line between legitimate political activism or intellectual discourse and unlawful or violent activity. They point out that holding or expressing sympathy for leftist or Maoist ideas is not the same as participating in armed insurgency or engaging in illegal activities. There have been concerns that the term has been used to justify crackdowns on activists, academics, and others who are critical of the government.

From a legal perspective, the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) in India allows the government to designate individuals as terrorists and to ban organizations involved in unlawful activities. The government has used this act, among other legal provisions, to act against those it accuses of being involved in Urban Naxalism. Critics argue that these laws can be misused to suppress dissent and curtail civil liberties.

Cause of Urban Naxalism

The concept of “Urban Naxalism” refers to the alleged support for Naxalite ideology and activity in urban settings. This phenomenon has been attributed to a variety of causes:

Ideological Sympathy: Some people in urban areas might sympathize with the goals of the Naxalites, particularly their stated aim of fighting social and economic inequality. These individuals might include intellectuals, activists, academics, and others who feel that the existing political and economic systems are unjust.

Discontent and Dissent: Urban Naxalism can be seen as a form of dissent against perceived injustices and inadequacies in the social, political, and economic systems. Some people who feel marginalized or dissatisfied with these systems might be drawn to radical alternatives.

Recruitment and Propaganda: The Naxalites, like other insurgent groups, actively seek to spread their ideology and recruit supporters. Urban areas, with their concentration of educational institutions, media outlets, and political organizations, can be fertile ground for these activities.

Resource Mobilization: Urban areas often have more resources than rural ones, making them attractive for fundraising activities. Alleged Urban Naxalites might engage in fundraising to support the Naxalite movement.

Legal and Logistical Support: Some individuals in urban areas might provide legal and logistical support to the Naxalites. This could involve activities like arranging for legal aid for arrested Naxalites, facilitating communication and logistics, or helping to build networks of support.

Frontal Organisations

The Front Organizations are the off-shoots of the parent Maoist party, which professes a separate existence to escape legal liability.

The Front organizations carry out propaganda/disinformation for the party, recruit ‘professional revolutionaries’ for the underground movement, raise funds for the insurgency, assist the cadres in legal matters and also provide safe houses and shelters to underground cadres.

The functionaries of Front Organizations provide intellectual veneer to the inherent violence in the Maoist ideology. In other words, they sanitize the bloodletting, and attempt to make the Maoist world-view palatable to urban audiences and the media. The Front organizations exist in 20 States of India.

Government Approach to tackle Naxalism

The Government measures can be categorized in two categories-

• Hard power Measures
• Soft power Measures

Hard power Measures

• Central government has deployed Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) troops in these areas and they act as support systems for state police. Centre has also deployed the CoBRA – Commando Battalion for Resolute Actions- elite forces specializing in guerrilla and jungle warfare.
• MHA is supporting the State Governments extensively by way of deployment of CAPF Battalions, provision of helicopters and UAVs and sanction of India Reserve Battalions (IRBs)/ Special India Reserve Battalions (SIRBs) etc.
• Funds are provided under Modernization of Police Force (MPF), Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme and Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS) for modernization and training of State Police.
• Anti-Naxal operations
• Anti-Naxal operations involve the location, isolation and elimination of threat. Location involves detecting the where abouts of the Naxalites’ base areas through intelligence and reconnaissance. Isolation involves separation of the Naxalites from their support base which involves winning over, resettlement and migration of local masses. Elimination involves several methods of neutralising the Naxal threat. This means depending on the situation and operational flexibility of the forces. If they are beat year an armed struggle, force must be met with force. Many armed men here have lost their lives in the fight against Maoist insurgents.
• Modernization of police forces: This is an Umbrella Scheme. The major schemes being run under it are as follows –
• Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme: This Scheme is being implemented as a sub-scheme of the Umbrella Scheme ‘Modernization of Police Forces’. Under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme, the central Govt. reimburses the State Governments of 10 LWE affected States Security Related Expenditure of 70 districts relating to training and operational needs of security forces, ex-gratia payment to the family of civilians/security forces killed/injured in LWE violence, compensation to Left Wing Extremist cadres who surrendered per the surrender and rehabilitation policy of the concerned State Government, community policing, Security-related infrastructure for village defence committees and publicity materials.
• Special Central Assistance (SCA) for most LWE affected districts: This Scheme was approved in 2017 and is being implemented as a sub-scheme of the Umbrella Scheme ‘Modernization of Police Forces’. The main objective of the Scheme is to fill the critical gaps in public infrastructure and Services, which are emergent.
• Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS): This Scheme is being implemented as a sub-scheme of the Umbrella Scheme ‘Modernization of Police Forces’. Under the scheme, funds are provided to States for strengthening the infrastructure related to Security.
• Scheme of Fortified Police stations: The Ministry had sanctioned the construction of 400 Fortified Police Stations in 10 LWE affected States.
• Assistance to Central Agencies for LWE management Scheme: This Scheme is being implemented as a sub-scheme of the Umbrella Scheme ‘Modernization of Police Forces’. Under the Scheme, assistance is provided to Central Agencies (CAPFs/IAF, etc) for strengthening infrastructure and hiring charges for Helicopters.
• LWE Mobile Tower Project: To improve mobile connectivity in the LWE areas, the Government 2014 approved the installation of mobile towers in LWE affected States.
• SAMADHAN to tackle of Left-Wing Extremism: SAMADHAN, 2017 is a comprehensive strategy formulated by the Government of India (MHA) that aims to address both the security and the developmental aspects of the problem to deal with Left-Wing Extremism, including Naxalism.

The new doctrine, ‘SAMADHAN’ will have 8 pillars and they are

 1. S- Smart Leadership

2. A- Aggressive Strategy

3. M- Motivation and Training

4. A- Actionable Intelligence

5. D- Dashboard Based KPIs (Key Performance Indicators)

6. H- Harnessing Technology

7. A- Action plan for each Theatre

8. N- No access to Financing

Soft power Measures

Civic Action Programme (CAP): This Scheme is being implemented as a sub-scheme of the Umbrella Scheme ‘Modernization of Police Forces’ to bridge the gaps between Security Forces and local people through personal interaction and bring the human face of SFs before the local population. The Scheme has been very successful in achieving its goal. The Scheme has been very successful in achieving its goal. Under the Scheme, funds are released to the CAPFs, deployed in LWE affected areas, for conducting various civic activities for the welfare of the local people. Rs.19 crore has been released to CAPFs in the financial year 2021-22.

Media Plan: This Scheme is being implemented as a sub-scheme of the Umbrella Scheme ‘Modernization of Police Forces’. The Maoists have been misguiding and luring the innocent tribals/ local population in LWE affected areas by their poor-friendly revolution through petty incentives or by following their coercive strategy. Their false propaganda is targeted against the security forces and the democratic setup. Therefore, the Government is implementing this Scheme in LWE affected areas. Under the scheme activities like Tribal Youth Exchange programs organized by NYKS, radio jingles, documentaries, pamphlets, etc. are being conducted.

Road Requirement Plan-I (RRP-I) for LWE affected areas: This Scheme is being implemented by the Ministry of Road Transport & Highways for improving road connectivity in 34 LWE affected districts of 8 States i.e. Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, and Uttar Pradesh. This scheme envisaged construction of 5,362 km roads lengths in LWE affected States, of which 5019 km roads have been completed.

Road Connectivity Project for LWE affected areas (RCPLWE): The Government approved this scheme in 2016 to further improve road connectivity in LWE affected States. The Ministry of Rural Development is the nodal Ministry for this project.

Aspirational District: The Ministry of Home Affairs has been tasked with the monitoring Aspirational districts program in 35 LWE affected districts.

Socio-economic measures: The government has brought out several policies for the upliftment of the Naxalite-affected areas so as to wean the youths away from taking arms. A few among the various schemes include the Backward Regions Grant Fund, MGNREGA, Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, etc.

The Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA) which recognises the right of self-governance of the tribals, has been implemented by the government as a measure to tackle the Naxal problem. The tribal areas of the Naxal-affected states come under its ambit.

In 2009, an Integrated Action Plan was announced by the Government of India for its operations that deal with the Naxalite problems across the country.

Surrender policies – The States have brought out surrender policies for those Naxals who are willing to lay down their arms. The Jharkhand government offered Rs 50000 to surrendered Naxalites plus a monthly allowance of Rs.2000, one acre of agricultural land, and educational and health benefits to their children. The Chhattisgarh government offered up to Rs.3 lakh for weapon surrender. The Orissa government announced Rs. 10000 for surrender, Rs.20000 for arms surrender, and Rs 2 lakh of bank loan without interest for two years. But there is no effective intelligence mechanism to identify Naxal cadres. Often, tribal youths surrender as Naxals after many of them joining the Naxal movement to reap these benefits.

Skill Development related Schemes: ROSHNI Scheme (Ministry of Rural Development) is a special initiative under Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana which envisages training and placement of rural poor youth from 27 LWE affected districts.

Employment Initiatives: Along with several infrastructural schemes, the Government of India is also executing several schemes under the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) that are empowering the citizens with the required skill sets to earn their livelihood. Under this programme 47 Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) and 68 Skill Development Centres (SDCs) are to be established by March 2019.

Short Coming of government policy against Naxalite

The Indian government has taken numerous measures to address the Naxalite insurgency, but there have been some identified shortcomings in their policies and strategies. Here are a few of them:

Overemphasis on Security Measures: One common criticism is the state’s predominant focus on militaristic and security-oriented solutions at the expense of addressing the socio-economic issues that give rise to the insurgency. Over-reliance on security solutions might risk aggravating the problem, especially if they result in human rights abuses and collateral damage, as they can alienate the local population and possibly drive more people towards the insurgency.

Poor Implementation of Development Initiatives: While the government has launched various development initiatives, their effective implementation has often been hampered by factors such as corruption, inefficiency, and lack of coordination among different government agencies. This means that many of the intended benefits do not reach the intended recipients, thus failing to alleviate the conditions that fuel support for the Naxalites.

Insufficient Engagement with Local Communities: Many critics argue that the government’s approach is too top-down and does not sufficiently involve or engage with local communities. Winning the trust of these communities is vital, and this cannot be done without addressing their grievances and involving them in the decision-making process.

Land Rights and Displacement Issues: A significant part of Naxalite support comes from tribal communities who feel marginalized and dispossessed by large-scale infrastructure and mining projects that result in displacement without adequate compensation or rehabilitation. Critics argue that the government’s policies have often failed to address these land rights and displacement issues adequately.

Rehabilitation and Surrender Policies: Critics have pointed out that the government’s policies for rehabilitating surrendered Naxalites are not comprehensive enough and may not offer sufficient protection, incentives, or support for those who wish to abandon the insurgency and return to mainstream society.

Failure to Address Root Causes: More broadly, critics argue that the government has not done enough to address the root causes of the Naxalite insurgency, such as poverty, inequality, lack of development, and social injustice.

Insufficient Attention to Land and Tribal Rights: The Naxalite movement has drawn significant support from tribal communities, who often feel marginalized and dispossessed of their traditional lands due to mining and industrial projects. Critics argue that the government has not done enough to address these issues and protect tribal rights.

These shortcomings highlight the complexities and challenges of dealing with the Naxalite insurgency. Addressing these issues will require a holistic and balanced approach that goes beyond security measures to address socio-economic issues, respect for tribal rights, and engagement with local communities.

Suggestions for government policy against Naxalite

Addressing the challenge of Naxalism requires a comprehensive, multi-faceted approach that not only deals with the security aspects of the problem, but also addresses the root causes of the insurgency. Here are some suggestions for the government’s policy against Naxalism:

Balanced Approach: There is a need for a balanced approach that complements security operations with strong efforts to address socio-economic issues. Increased investment in education, healthcare, infrastructure, and employment opportunities in Naxal-affected areas is vital.

Effective Implementation of Development Initiatives: It is important to ensure the effective implementation of development programs. This might involve stronger oversight mechanisms, reducing bureaucratic hurdles, and empowering local governance structures.

Engagement with Local Communities: Local communities are important stakeholders and should be involved in decision-making processes. It’s essential to address their grievances and foster a sense of participation and ownership in local development projects.

Protection of Tribal Rights: Given that many Naxalites come from tribal communities, it’s important to ensure that tribal rights, particularly to land and resources, are respected and protected.

Strengthening Local Governance: Strengthening the capabilities of local government institutions can help in better administration and in addressing local grievances in a more efficient and timely manner.

Rehabilitation and Reintegration Programs: Enhance and effectively implement programs aimed at encouraging Naxalites to surrender and reintegrate them into mainstream society. These initiatives should provide them with viable livelihood options and a sense of security.

Strengthening Intelligence and Police Capacities: Improve intelligence gathering capabilities and coordination among different security agencies. Additionally, police forces need to be trained and equipped better to handle the Naxalite insurgency.

Safeguarding Human Rights: Ensuring that security operations respect human rights is crucial. Any allegations of human rights abuses must be thoroughly investigated and those responsible held accountable.

Promoting Dialogue: While this is a controversial suggestion and dependent on the specific circumstances, promoting dialogue or negotiations with the Naxalites could be a way to seek a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

Addressing ‘Urban Naxalism’: A nuanced approach is required to distinguish between legitimate dissent and support for violent Naxalite activities, to ensure democratic freedoms are not curtailed.

Use of technology: Modern technologies can enhance the capabilities of security forces in intelligence gathering, data analysis, surveillance, coordination, and Tracking Illicit Financing.

Addressing the challenge of Naxalism is not easy and requires persistent and concerted efforts at various levels of governance, and from different sections of society.

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